Once
more Egyptians gathered in Tahrir Square, this time not merely a few stragglers
bent on continuing protests, but a huge contingent of warring factions. Supporters
of Mohammed Morsi and those violently opposed to the first 100 days of a
relatively lacklustre regime. This past Friday, October 12, 2012, frustrated
and bewildered, thousands of Egyptians gathered again in Tahrir Square, angered
at Morsi’s decision to acquiesce in the high court’s decision to release from
prison the thugs who galloped through Tahrir Square last February 2011 riding
camels, and horses, shooting into crowds of peaceful demonstrators. These thugs
killed an unexposed number of young men and women protesting Hosni Mubarak’s
reign, but this high court decision unleashed another spate of Egyptian fury. The
high court now maintains that after reviewing filming of the situation, they
did not witness any one of these men killing protestors. Words and decision to
create absolute unrest in Egypt, more than 300 men and women were killed, how
then did they die?
A myriad of questions arises from this latest incident. First, why is the high court making this decision? Then, who really is behind the high court’s decision, a very loaded political question. Additionally, what will be the outcome of this decision? And of course, once again, is Egypt safe for tourism to or relocating in – especially just when Minister for Antiquities Mohammed Ibrahim, reopened the pyramid of Cheops in Giza, and announced that Egypt welcomed all visitors. The complexities behind Egyptian society strip any possibility of simple answers to these questions, but it’s good to keep in mind several points. As demonstrations go, in Cairo, they are kept in Tahrir Square. The Square is becoming the visible representation to Egyptians and the world at large of the country’s infant struggle toward democracy. Egyptians developed a taste for this fundamental democratic right of protest a year and a half ago when their united efforts brought down a regime under which the nation felt suffocated. If this could happen in a few short days, then when other issues developed to which the public objected, what better method for change than a united protest.
However, this most recent protest took on a disturbing face. Rather than peaceful, it became violent almost immediately. Two factions clashed, supporters of Morsi and those opposed to the president and his Muslim Brotherhood Party. These latter claimed that the February 2011 thugs were released because they had the support of the Mubarak regime, and although deposed, broad suggestions abound that Mubarak’s family and friends continue to manipulate governmental decisions, in particular decisions made by those remaining in power via Mubarak-appointed positions, in this case, the high court judges who released the thugs. Other instances reflect on the situation that many of Mubarak’s appointees remain in their offices, thus easily able to manipulate governmental decisions. The old regime’s hidden funds circulate, according to many, those deserving punishment receive none, others demonstrating against the regime, strangely prosecuted. Thoughtful Egyptians worry about the lack of substance in Morsi; he appears to be a puppet of his party, and seems afraid to make substantive decisions. Add to that the level of poverty and hardship among Egypt’s millions has worsened over the past months. These reasons were enough for those dissatisfied with Morsi to call for another major demonstration.
These dissatisfied Egyptians clashed violently with supporters of Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood Party on Friday. However, the clash has deeper roots than a disagreement over the high court’s decision, because many in the opposing faction believed this decision to be wrong. The roots of disputes are based in those who support Morsi and his party and those who do not. Those who believe that Morsi’s gradual imposition of Shari’a law changing Egypt from primarily a secular state to one ruled by Islamic law is the correct direction in which the country must head, while those supporting a secular democracy with secular laws and freedom from influence in any fashion of the old regime, must be the implemented changes. The conflict on Friday became violent; the media, of course, made the most of this violence.
A myriad of questions arises from this latest incident. First, why is the high court making this decision? Then, who really is behind the high court’s decision, a very loaded political question. Additionally, what will be the outcome of this decision? And of course, once again, is Egypt safe for tourism to or relocating in – especially just when Minister for Antiquities Mohammed Ibrahim, reopened the pyramid of Cheops in Giza, and announced that Egypt welcomed all visitors. The complexities behind Egyptian society strip any possibility of simple answers to these questions, but it’s good to keep in mind several points. As demonstrations go, in Cairo, they are kept in Tahrir Square. The Square is becoming the visible representation to Egyptians and the world at large of the country’s infant struggle toward democracy. Egyptians developed a taste for this fundamental democratic right of protest a year and a half ago when their united efforts brought down a regime under which the nation felt suffocated. If this could happen in a few short days, then when other issues developed to which the public objected, what better method for change than a united protest.
However, this most recent protest took on a disturbing face. Rather than peaceful, it became violent almost immediately. Two factions clashed, supporters of Morsi and those opposed to the president and his Muslim Brotherhood Party. These latter claimed that the February 2011 thugs were released because they had the support of the Mubarak regime, and although deposed, broad suggestions abound that Mubarak’s family and friends continue to manipulate governmental decisions, in particular decisions made by those remaining in power via Mubarak-appointed positions, in this case, the high court judges who released the thugs. Other instances reflect on the situation that many of Mubarak’s appointees remain in their offices, thus easily able to manipulate governmental decisions. The old regime’s hidden funds circulate, according to many, those deserving punishment receive none, others demonstrating against the regime, strangely prosecuted. Thoughtful Egyptians worry about the lack of substance in Morsi; he appears to be a puppet of his party, and seems afraid to make substantive decisions. Add to that the level of poverty and hardship among Egypt’s millions has worsened over the past months. These reasons were enough for those dissatisfied with Morsi to call for another major demonstration.
These dissatisfied Egyptians clashed violently with supporters of Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood Party on Friday. However, the clash has deeper roots than a disagreement over the high court’s decision, because many in the opposing faction believed this decision to be wrong. The roots of disputes are based in those who support Morsi and his party and those who do not. Those who believe that Morsi’s gradual imposition of Shari’a law changing Egypt from primarily a secular state to one ruled by Islamic law is the correct direction in which the country must head, while those supporting a secular democracy with secular laws and freedom from influence in any fashion of the old regime, must be the implemented changes. The conflict on Friday became violent; the media, of course, made the most of this violence.
So
the last question, in spite of efforts to reopen Egypt’s doors to tourists and
others, is Egypt safe? Throughout the
past year and a half, the demonstrations remain isolated to the Square; outside
the Square, life goes on with the exception that life for the typical Egyptian
is more difficult, less prosperous, therefore, a degree of resentment
occasionally exhibits itself. For the most part, the demonstrations dwindled in
size and exuberance, but this last rivalry once again saw tents established and
a determination to sit in until more obvious and actualizing changes take place
in the country. Yet, in spite of these problems, visiting Egypt remains an
incredible experience, it is a land of rich history, heritage, culture, an incredible
past on the verge of a new future, an experience not to miss.
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