Friday, November 9, 2012

God-ordained rape



The 2012 Presidential election is over and voters have decided where to put men like Mr. Mourdock and his flagrant anti-women comments regarding rape. As a woman and a rape survivor, the need to expostulate and add my voice to all those women who answered his challenge with their votes against this rhetoric, it’s important to say that the fight is not over. Not merely in America, but globally, all women, regardless of their personal religious beliefs or non-beliefs, feel a distinct outrage at views like Mr. Mourdock’s, not only at his comments but that so many men have now taken the ball and run with it to justify Mr. Mourdock’s statements. They attempt this by saying the refs were confused, took the play out of context, and then make the monumental effort to recall the points.
               I make no apologies for using the football analogy, because this is what men have been doing with women’s bodies from time immemorial, using us as the football in their game of running to the goal line. We’ve been tossed back and forth between the teams of men whenever they need to score a goal. Sadly, we are that inflatable and deflatable football; we go up and down depending on the current coach. Oh yes, they’ll use us whenever necessary, like the valiant women during WWII who picked up the ball and ran interference to get the job done. But once the war was over, men decided we must have the air let out, flop us back again into domesticity and submission because truly, women just don’t have the stuff to participate in the “real world.” Nothing changes, and now we’re told that even if raped, it’s ordained and sanctioned by god and whatever the outcome, men tell us what to do with our bodies and how we should feel about the entire business.
                This issue cannot be confined to one country, one political campaign, or one religious dogma. Globally, women suffer rape every day, whether victims of war or domestic violence. Rape is a global male atrocity and an insufferable part of male domination. Mr. Mourdock and his supporters try to gloss over their statements, although Mr Mourdock does not believe he needs to apologize as he spoke from very deeply felt beliefs, but they’re the players in this issue who dominate because they are men and like father, know best. I have watched women attempt to weigh in on this debate with a panel of men, it doesn’t work; men raise their voices as if shouting out the all-important play in the last seconds will bring in the game-winning field goal. They don’t want to hear our issues, we’re merely women; we don’t know how to read maps, change car oil, or think responsibly, nor are we capable of making decisions about our own bodies. We’ve been told this for so long that without doubt it must be true, so then, naturally if a man tells us rape is ordained by god, then this, too, cannot be doubted – our coaches have spoken. And unfortunately, it’s not only men who have these unbelievably Machiavellian attitudes. One woman researcher from Texas seems to believe she’s proven that women vote with their hormones and ovulation periods. Ovulate, you’re liberal, in a stable relationship, you’re conservative, hormonal, you won’t think clearly on any issue, therefore can’t be trusted.
                Ancient Greeks, those philosophers of note, felt no compunction in placing and keeping women under their power. Women, according to a star of Greek philosophy, Aristotle, possess neither the mental, physical, nor the emotional acuity for decision – making; therefore, their roles must be relegated and kept to the home. Now, over two thousand years later, in spite of the incomparable achievements by women, men still do not want to put women in as quarterbacks, coaches, or any other role which tips the balance and brings home a win. And in the few instances where a woman is given power, the scrutiny under which she comes surpasses that for men. This, too, is a form of rape, because rape takes many forms, physical, emotional, and psychological. In the Middle East, women suffer from this male attitude that women must remain as chattels. In Saudi Arabia, they are not allowed to drive or even leave the home without covering and must be accompanied by a man, even if he’s a ten-year old brother. Consider, for example, the recent incident in Pakistan where parents threw hot acid on their young teenage daughter who happened to look in a man’s direction; she died, and her family believes they are justified because they had already been dishonoured by their eldest daughter. Then, there is the very tragic occurrence in Pakistan by the Taliban as one man with murder in mind and heart sought out a young girl because she spoke out for the rights of women to be educated.
                Where will it end?  We cover our hair because no man can see your hair except your husband; we wear gloves, because our skin cannot touch that of a man, otherwise he will become totally inflamed with lust and of course it’s the woman’s fault. We bow our heads in submission, we do not pray in the same place with men, we are too much of a distraction. A man in prayer has a difficult enough time concentrating on god without the enticing presence of a woman. She is only there as a temptation, to lead him astray. We submit to the tyranny of male opinion, vote the way our husbands or fathers tell us because we are incapable of making a well-formed opinion. These are extreme but powerful examples of women being raped of their lives and rights to opinions, to be heard in the roaring male crowd overcome by the tensions of the game. Unfortunately, these extremes creep insidiously closer to reality every day, as witnessed by Mr. Mourdock’s proclamation, without forgetting the other very outspoken comment by Mr. Akin, that if it’s a legitimate rape, then pregnancy won’t occur. Combine this with Mr. Mourdock’s belief that rapes are god-ordained, then women have no cause to complain, everything is okay with god and with the world.
                Let’s wonder, though, how Mr. Mourdock and those of his fellow thinkers might react if and when the terrible tragedy of rape is wrought upon any of their daughters or wives. If they become pregnant from this horrible event, will they still believe it’s a god-given blessing and ordained, allowed by this god they worship?  I wonder what happened to the god of the New Testament in whom they declare absolute faith, the one Jesus preached about, this god of love?  Did this god lose the game and drown in the deluge of vitriol wracking the presidential campaign? Has this god disappeared from the global horrors when strong men decide it’s time to exercise their right to dominate the “game” and rape the cheerleaders?  And if they are raped, they better learn to appreciate the value of that rape, it is ordained by god, and they must love the consequences, not to fret or worry, because once the game is over, men return to the locker room, gloat over their wins, and go home to be the men they are, intelligent, capable, strong, and in control. Never mind the cheerleader-she got what she asked for!

Sunday, October 14, 2012

Egypt again...



Once more Egyptians gathered in Tahrir Square, this time not merely a few stragglers bent on continuing protests, but a huge contingent of warring factions. Supporters of Mohammed Morsi and those violently opposed to the first 100 days of a relatively lacklustre regime. This past Friday, October 12, 2012, frustrated and bewildered, thousands of Egyptians gathered again in Tahrir Square, angered at Morsi’s decision to acquiesce in the high court’s decision to release from prison the thugs who galloped through Tahrir Square last February 2011 riding camels, and horses, shooting into crowds of peaceful demonstrators. These thugs killed an unexposed number of young men and women protesting Hosni Mubarak’s reign, but this high court decision unleashed another spate of Egyptian fury. The high court now maintains that after reviewing filming of the situation, they did not witness any one of these men killing protestors. Words and decision to create absolute unrest in Egypt, more than 300 men and women were killed, how then did they die?
           A myriad of questions arises from this latest incident. First, why is the high court making this decision?  Then, who really is behind the high court’s decision, a very loaded political question. Additionally, what will be the outcome of this decision?  And of course, once again, is Egypt safe for tourism to or relocating in – especially just when Minister for Antiquities Mohammed Ibrahim, reopened the pyramid of Cheops in Giza, and announced that Egypt welcomed all visitors. The complexities behind Egyptian society strip any possibility of simple answers to these questions, but it’s good to keep in mind several points. As demonstrations go, in Cairo, they are kept in Tahrir Square. The Square is becoming the visible representation to Egyptians and the world at large of the country’s infant struggle toward democracy. Egyptians developed a taste for this fundamental democratic right of protest a year and a half ago when their united efforts brought down a regime under which the nation felt suffocated. If this could happen in a few short days, then when other issues developed to which the public objected, what better method for change than a united protest.
           However, this most recent protest took on a disturbing face. Rather than peaceful, it became violent almost immediately. Two factions clashed, supporters of Morsi and those opposed to the president and his Muslim Brotherhood Party. These latter claimed that the February 2011 thugs were released because they had the support of the Mubarak regime, and although deposed, broad suggestions abound that Mubarak’s family and friends continue to manipulate governmental decisions, in particular decisions made by those remaining in power via Mubarak-appointed positions, in this case, the high court judges who released the thugs. Other instances reflect on the situation that many of Mubarak’s appointees remain in their offices, thus easily able to manipulate governmental decisions. The old regime’s hidden funds circulate, according to many, those deserving punishment receive none, others demonstrating against the regime, strangely prosecuted. Thoughtful Egyptians worry about the lack of substance in Morsi; he appears to be a puppet of his party, and seems afraid to make substantive decisions. Add to that the level of poverty and hardship among Egypt’s millions has worsened over the past months. These reasons were enough for those dissatisfied with Morsi to call for another major demonstration.
           These dissatisfied Egyptians clashed violently with supporters of Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood Party on Friday. However, the clash has deeper roots than a disagreement over the high court’s decision, because many in the opposing faction believed this decision to be wrong. The roots of disputes are based in those who support Morsi and his party and those who do not. Those who believe that Morsi’s gradual imposition of Shari’a law changing Egypt from primarily a secular state to one ruled by Islamic law is the correct direction in which the country must head, while those supporting a secular democracy with secular laws and freedom from influence in any fashion of the old regime, must be the implemented changes. The conflict on Friday became violent; the media, of course, made the most of this violence.
   So the last question, in spite of efforts to reopen Egypt’s doors to tourists and others, is Egypt safe?  Throughout the past year and a half, the demonstrations remain isolated to the Square; outside the Square, life goes on with the exception that life for the typical Egyptian is more difficult, less prosperous, therefore, a degree of resentment occasionally exhibits itself. For the most part, the demonstrations dwindled in size and exuberance, but this last rivalry once again saw tents established and a determination to sit in until more obvious and actualizing changes take place in the country. Yet, in spite of these problems, visiting Egypt remains an incredible experience, it is a land of rich history, heritage, culture, an incredible past on the verge of a new future, an experience not to miss.

Sunday, October 7, 2012

Syria’s Unwarranted Attack on Turkey – What does one do?



With the Middle East in turmoil, elections, although over in many of the Arab Spring countries, still have a long way to go toward uncompromising settlement.  Syria, the revolutionary “bad boy,” ripped open a new floodgate of aggression last week on Turkey’s border town of Akcakale which suffered an attack by Syria’s Nationalist Army. Five people, including a child, died.
              Will Turkey retaliate?  Should Turkey retaliate?  Some of the headlines already blaze with “World War Three” if Turkey advances into Syria in defense of its borders.  The Istanbul atmosphere vibrates with demonstrations against that very event. The United Nations warns Syria against further aggression toward its northern neighbour. At the moment, Turkish response is firm about protecting its borders against attack, yet maintains a view toward avoiding all-out war. Turkey established itself as a stable, secular government with a tolerant attitude toward the diverse peoples inhabiting the country. Lately, its governmental policies combine with Islamic principles of rule, but currently, in spite of the many factions vying for primacy, Turkey maintains its stability. Syria’s incursion over Turkey’s borders puts a new twist on global worry about the Syrian situation, in addition to many who might be concerned over prospects of visiting Turkey.
                During the past few days demonstrations in Istanbul speak out loudly against any outbreak of war. The Turkish people are adamantly opposed to invading Syria even though their prime minister absolutely stated the country will not tolerate Syria’s moves over Turkish borders, an argument concurrent with that of the United Nations, world leaders, and a general outcry against Syrian aggression.  In light of these very recent events, should one plan a visit to Turkey?  Can the Turkish government be trusted to maintain a firm stance without declaring war so that visitors and foreigners may continue to visit or live in the country? 
                Without hesitation, touring the country, albeit out of harm’s way near the Turkish-Syrian borders, the country offers so much to the visitor.  From Istanbul in the northwest with the Hagia Sophia and Blue Mosque overlooking the city’s historic centre, through the beautiful Cappadocian mountains in the eastern region, continuing to points south and west on the Mediterranean coast, Turkey beckons to the visitor, and if one is fortunate enough to live and/or work in the country, many opportunities await.  If in any doubt about where to go, what to see, or how to move to and about the country, seek professional advice helping to ease personal arrangements.  Relax, enjoy, and reap the rewards of adventure in a beautiful land!

Thursday, October 4, 2012

Where to go in the Middle East now?




Will you be safe or sorry for visiting the once-mysterious wonders of the Middle East? There is so much going on in the area, politically as well as otherwise, that myriad questions arise.
            Here is what a reliable ex-pat resident of Cairo has to say about the current situation: “Wow…the media must be really exaggerating things! As usual, the current demonstrations involve only a three-block radius. Just one night had large numbers, but only about 30-40 (Zamalek Ultras, it seems) scaled the wall. Generally, it’s dozens, or at most hundreds, gathered in the Square. People feel humiliated by the attack on the Prophet -- of course, they don't understand that the U.S. government had nothing to do with the film; Hillary Clinton and the Embassy have issued strong condemnations of the film. The Egyptian government and key Islamist parties have denounced the attack on the embassy; the Nour Party is very clear in its opposition to that, as is Tareq al-Zomor (Islamic Group), saying it is against Shari’a to violate the embassy and tear down the flag. Meanwhile, elsewhere life goes on as normal. People are out late at night visiting street-side cafes, schools are about to start (public school teachers are threatening to strike), etc.” These comments demonstrate a variety of contradictions regarding the Middle East.
            Politically, Egypt’s government is attempting to develop some form of democracy, some form of meaning that even the humblest Egyptian can understand. But with so many factions vying for power and position in the country, confusion often reigns. In its desire to bring news to the world, the media can be guilty of sensationalizing events in Tahrir Square, but the demonstrations in the Square remain contained to that very small centre of Cairo. The rest of the city, as a microcosm of the country, struggles daily to survive. Find enough work to feed the family, to survive, and maintain some small semblance of life in the midst of chaos.
            In the minds of Egyptians, from those in power down to the least of its citizens, the concept of democracy remains in its infancy. Leadership divisions include revolutionaries, who could not sustain power although their democratic idealism brought about the first stages of the 25 January 2011 revolution; Islamists to the far right including, but not limited to the Salafi, an extreme group determined to bring Egypt under complete Shari’a law with all its decrees, limitations, and demands; the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, a combative group within itself, but one attempting to juggle Islamic extremists with democratic idealism, a problem of massive proportions especially in a country suffering more than 50% illiteracy.
            Egypt’s political and religious bases don’t often function in harmony. While some in the political arena attempt to incorporate secularism into its policies, the religious factions refuse, sometimes with belligerence, to adopt anything other than strict Shari’a law into their country’s laws and procedures. What sets Shari’a law apart from the understood forms of democratic law codes, whether American, English, Napoleonic, or other adaptive forms of practiced law?  Shari’a law is based solely on the Qur’an and is implemented according to the interpretations of Imams, Islamic spiritual leaders. In some countries, interpretations of Shari’a law reach a severity far above that of other countries, for example, the implementation of Shari’a in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan, even Pakistan, have in the past made Egypt appear very western and sometimes lax in its legal system. Egypt’s varied and rich history even over the past sixty years created a dichotomy of leadership and confused laws that, during the course of independence from colonial rule, set Egypt’s rulers a difficult path.
            To understand this very complicated situation, a brief examination of Egypt’s recent historical changes may prove enlightening. In 1952, the Egyptians, led by a group of semi-Marxist radicals following Abdul Gamal Nasser, overthrew the last of the Ottoman kings of Egypt, King Faisal. They quickly established a regime which removed property from wealthy plantation owners usually known as Pashas, and began dividing up land into smaller farming parcels. They also introduced systems based on the communistic principles of government provisions for everyone, from education to health. Unfortunately, the extremes to which they went divested the Egyptian people of initiative or even the desire to be individually productive. A further unhappy result of this situation came from the application of Shari’a law. Property is actually divided among heirs, thus reducing the size of any viable farmland, ending in an increase in poverty as these farmers become mere subsistence livers rather than having a way to earn a substantial living. With poverty on the increase, illiteracy virtually unchanged, political problems rising, the question remains, is it safe to work in, travel to, or study in Egypt, and if so, where, for how long, when are the most favorable times to be in Egypt?
            Cairo and Alexandria are the major and most important centers for study and work in Cairo, with most people settling in Cairo with its many foreign universities, schools, and businesses. Being in Egypt now may present a few more difficulties, the events of the past month a tragedy by any measurement. Most Egyptians do not agree with the violence created by the infamous You Tube video. Other problems involve money; traders work harder to earn the fewer tourist dollars. However, as in the past, most Egyptians are kind, welcoming, and happy to meet anyone interested in their country, but precautions must be taken, more so now than in the past. In places, some crime such as theft, virtually unheard of in earlier times, is on the increase, so visitor beware, but with care. Egypt’s mysteries, its lovely temples, the beautiful Nile, the Valley of the Kings, and so many other magical places still await. There is so much to do and see, bringing the incredible Egyptian past to visibility. If the opportunity offers, plan carefully, make prior contacts, seek advice from those who know Egypt well, but by all means, visit, work, or study in the land once belonging to Pharoahs.

Thursday, August 16, 2012

Mohamed Morsy and the Islaheyas


In Egypt, a virtually untold number of disorganized, motley children--estimates as high as 50,000 to 100,000 living in Cairo alone--had neither any input in the recent election nor can they count on relief from the newly elected officials. The most telling tragedy regards the homeless girls. Both boys and girls wander Egypt’s streets, begging, stealing, living very “rough,” but the girls’ plight far supersedes that of the boys. These homeless girls have no relief for the abject poverty in which they live, conditions which have grown steadily worse for over fifty years. Rejected by families, spurned by governmental officials, ignored by the general population, and treated virtually like India’s Untouchables, the street girls, at present, have limited options. They can remain on the streets, resorting to prostitution, begging, drugs, and thieving, or they can allow themselves to be arrested by the police, marked for life as non-people with no papers, no citizenship, no rights, and dumped into the places aptly named Islaheya, literally meaning “to fix.” Living in an Islaheya is barely one step removed from street squalor. Madams placed in control care only for the government job, not for the girls; the sleeping quarters, kitchen, and grounds have the look of bombed-out Iraq, and their educational opportunities are relatively nonexistent. 
            If they have any knowledge about the last election in Egypt, they did not ask similar questions as most of the world regarding results. If they knew anything, could question anyone, this pertained to their hopeless lives. Would the election of Mohamed Morsy bring them the help they need, bring them relief from the hopelessness and helplessness of their lives? In the midst of commotion, trouble, and resolution of Egypt’s first free election how much, if any, consideration was dedicated to these homeless girls?
            The answer is simple. None. How much time and energy did the campaigners and now the new president spend thinking or doing anything for these girls? Again, none. He just recently deposed the military leader Tantawi, took presidential powers away from the military, and is making sure of security for himself and his party, the Muslim Brotherhood. It’s this political party that really determines how the Islaheya girls will fare. And what, then, is the Islamist reaction to girls and women, in particular those in less than honourable situations?  Women must remain subservient to men, and if by chance their lives decline to beggar status, then they are the problem; solutions don’t reach that low.
            Political turmoil within Egypt defines the country’s situation since January 2011. The initial stages of revolution evoked a sense of unity and sometimes benevolence during the most tense days before former president Mubarak stepped down. Military officials sat on their tanks waving anyone in who chose to enter Tahrir Square. Food was shared by all; men and some women sat in tents discussing the unbelievable situation in which Egypt had suddenly plummeted. Hope spiraled upwards rapidly, in spite of the tragedy of those who died during the first days of revolution. World-watchers held collective breaths waiting to see the results of Egypt’s entry into the Arab Spring.
            When Mubarak surprised the world a mere eighteen days after the conflict began and stepped down, the hearts of so many Egyptians soared with hope. But did he truly step down?  Many argue that he merely replaced himself with his followers, men who achieved their power through their relationship with Mubarak. A year after the revolution, the world still awaited the military promise to hand over power to newly elected secular authorities, and allow Egypt to come to grips with democratic ideals.
            Another year passed and finally Egypt found herself being watched by the entire world as its military finally gave in to global pressure and the countless political parties and candidates put themselves forward in an unprecedented free election. 
            Mohamed Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood won against Mubarak’s old guard and even against the revolutionary candidates. Since his election, many issues have been discussed, but not once has this concerned the girls, the Islaheyas, or the street children in general.  Poverty in Egypt escalates every day, tourism has declined and continues to do so, employment hovers at the lowest ebb for decades, and Egypt’s stability and political policies begin to be questioned. It cannot even be certain that Mohammed Morsy has heard of the Islaheyas or for that matter if he has, does he believe, like so many, that the girls are undesirable, virtually untouchable, and need to be kept out of the public domain. With their lack of education, the blight on their characters for being Islaheya girls, their lack of family, name, and home, authorities desire nothing more than to keep them hidden away from public life, public view, and public acceptance. If Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood truly embraced the ideals of humanity which some claim, then they must make a push toward changing public and private opinion about these lost street girls, but to date, these girls remain Egypt’s hidden shame.

Sunday, June 17, 2012


Egyptian Elections and Current Political Climate in Egypt

A budding democracy in action or not?  For the first time in generations, if not recorded history, Egypt attempted its revolutionary reform through ‘fair’ non-coerced political elections.  But the results, according to ongoing protests, are far from satisfactory.  Rather than alleviating dissatisfaction with the ruling powers, the results chivied a divisive knife into the Egyptian populace.  Several candidates presented themselves to the people.  Liberals, Conservatives, Independents who refused party ties, and in the background sits the SCAF [Egypt’s current military regime].  The people spoke, or did they?  Election results startled a large percentage of the population.
Mohammed Morsy and Ahmed Shafiq, the two candidates left standing, represent everything the revolutionaries struck against.  Morsy, the candidate put forward by the Muslim Brotherhood, and Shafiq, Mubarak’s puppet president put in just prior to the old regime’s stepping down, received more votes than all the other’s running for presidential office.  Why?  Morsy represents the religiously conservative Brotherhood, the party which initially declared its intention not to put itself forward with a presidential candidate.  Morsy’s victory strikes a degree of fear into the core of more liberal Egyptians in addition to the minority Coptic Christian population.  In many ways a dark horse as far as policies are concerned, the fear is what radical changes will he wring throughout the country?  How uncomfortable will Egypt become for those in the minority or for the most vocal revolutionaries?  Will they suffer at the hands of the Brotherhood for their part in bringing down a corrupt thirty year dictatorial regime?
Ahmed Shafiq on the other hand worries most Egyptians, especially those most ardent revolutionaries.  Shafiq represents the worst of Egypt; he stands for the man who put him in office, the man now now sentenced to life imprisonment, Hosni Mubarak.  The country is uncomfortable supporting a man who represents what brought Egypt to its knees, but this may be their fate if in the upcoming run-off election, Shafiq wins the presidency.  Did the majority of Egyptians really vote for him or was it some unfortunate fluke which has brought Shafiq to this position?  Opinions vary.  Some say it was a fair election, other say that those who actually voted didn’t really understand the voting process, and there are those who contend that they refused to vote until the government rewrote the constitution.  Whatever the reasons, at the outset, protest s in Cairo and Alexandria broke out over the two candidates left standing.
Two issues arise, the first is the final stage in the election process, and the other is the effect of the verdict against Mubarak and members of his old regime, including his two sons, Alaa and Gamal will have on the populace.  First, how are Egyptians handling their disappointment at this first round in the elections?  Politically: not well; emotionally: disturbed and confused at the outcome.  Acquittal of both Mubarak’s sons and also the former dictator’s ministers polarizes the country even more than it has been in recent months.  In other words, confusion reigns throughout the country, however, in the midst of this confusion, it is still relatively safe in Egypt.  Walk the streets, visit the shops, go to the markets, tourist destinations, and talk to the people, no problem.  It’s the immense poverty that strikes at the heart, the unhealthy conditions in which the people live, the lack of sanitation, adequate housing, and certainly dearth of jobs, and obvious starvation concerns most Egyptians.  They hope for the best, they pray for relief, now they have the opportunity to elect in the final run-off election who they wish to run their country, however, do the political leaders have the courage to face the old regime?
Second, an important chain reaction now sets in over the rather disappointing verdict against the old regime members.  Acquittal for all, including Mubarak’s sons, and the life-sentences proscribed against Adli – Mubarak’s interior minister – and Mubarak himself.  Couched in these sentences the deeper meaning appears.  These men were not convicted of murder or corruption, but merely for not intervening when the revolutionaries were being murdered.  The court saw fit to dismiss any charges of murder and/or corruption against the defendants.  It remains to be seen what the national and international reactions will be when the reality of these decisions sets in.  The relative safety of Egypt may also change, yet to date, other than the obvious demonstrations in Tahrir Square, it has not changed.
Revolution marked a new beginning for Egypt on the surface, but within, trouble remains.  Perhaps the inadequacy of today’s court verdicts will awaken the population, at least to the point that they will not elect Shafiq to the office of president.  Keep the old regime out of the limelight, hope that real change looms on Egypt’s horizon.  As the presiding judge said in his verdict reading Egypt was once the greatest of all civilizations, one to which all others looked for inspiration, but today, Egypt’s greatness is buried under its rubble and decades of corruption.  It is time for real change.  In the end, however, the beauty, majesty of Egypt’s past still beckons the traveler, don’t allow the surface foment to dampen adventurous spirits for which the present political climate remains just that, an Egyptian foment which will be decided by the people of Egypt and cannot change the lure of Egypt’s mysterious past and beauty and which the people, the real Egyptians, wish to share.

Thursday, April 12, 2012

an American Woman in the Middle East



Whenever I travel back to the States and meet friends or new acquaintances, the ultimate questions I am asked are ‘how is it living in the Middle East? Aren’t you afraid?  You must be frightened living there on your own’.  The first few times this happened my reaction was surprise and a bit insulted.  ‘Why would I move to a region where I am forced to live in constant fear?’  Then it dawned, these questions are genuine, people really want to understand what it’s like living in this historically mysterious and contemporaneously fear-inspiring region of the world.  How little Americans really understand about the Middle East, the variety of cultures within one region, the attitudes, and general behaviour towards foreigners, ex-pats, visitors, and of course, western women, especially those living alone without husband or family.  Unfortunately media information ‘feed’ plays havoc with the American public.  But as American involvement in the Middle East escalates and is becoming so intrinsically woven into the American cum global fabric via politics, oil economy, human rights issues, the war in Iraq, problems developing in Iran, even language as English is becoming a required language in education, then a more comprehensive idea and education regarding the Middle East is necessary.  Though information can be readily obtained, particularly via the web in its many forms it’s apparent that a countrywide or even a worldwide public awareness about the mysterious and very ambiguous ‘Middle East’ exists.  It is impossible to cover all topics about the complexities of life in the Middle East in one go, this blog hopes to answer a few questions, in this case those concerning women.
The answer to questions about women – especially ex-pat women – living in the Middle East simply stated – it depends.  Not much of an answer, but contingent in which Middle Eastern country a woman chooses to live, the code of behaviour and expectations vary.  However, certain practices and advice applies for all Middle Eastern countries:  1] style of dress, conservative, shoulders and knees covered; yes, there are tourists who violate this practice, but in the end, it gives tourists and westerners an overall negative reputation; 2] no public displays of affection, and in some countries this applies to the mild affection of holding hands in public; 3] no cohabitation between unmarried partners - this restriction applies more vigorously in certain countries – in particular the Gulf States; 4] dating local males carries with it an entire set of safeguard advice of which women need to be particularly aware.
In Egypt, a woman has as much freedom of movement as a man, with the exception of visiting certain mosques. Yet, precautions are always necessary, just as they would be in the States or any Westernized country.  In Egypt, a woman can go to markets, drive a car, travel, visit souques, tourist attractions, or merely exploring the country, with little fear of molestation.  But she must inure herself to the inevitable verbal and silent assaults…’are you married, where are you from…’ type of questions posed by taxi drivers in particular, and then the leering eyes of every male on the streets – and in Egypt they run in to the hundreds.  Egypt is a restless country, it was before the revolution and is no less so post revolution, the streets are never quiet, foot and auto traffic dominate the cities and countryside.  So a woman needs to be prepared for the onslaught of what Egyptian males consider charm, it palls very quickly.
In other Middle Eastern countries women encounter other situations.  In Tunisia, for example, this country, especially in the North, evokes a Mediterranean and westernized ambiance.  So women feel freer, but as a woman travels deeper into the south and more conservative parts of the country, i.e. cities such as Kairouan, a woman needs to be aware of an attitude change among the locals. Caution needs to be used here as in other Middle Eastern countries, but the same caution a woman would use in New York, Chicago, or San Francisco.  In Lebanon, Jordan, Turkey, the same applies.  Independent travel and living present no more difficulties than they might say in inner city London.  What does need to be observed however, are the religious traditions which prevail in these countries.  As mentioned above, this particularly applies to dress code and behaviour with the opposite sex.  In countries where Sharia’a law is applied strictly, a woman cannot cohabit or engage in public display of affection.  Depending upon the country, the penalties can range from disapproving stares from locals to warnings by police, and in cases where tourists refuse to comply with local laws and customs, deportation and occasionally imprisonment [witness the insolent behaviour of British tourists on a Dubai beach].
The question then, is there reason to be afraid, living in a culture not mine by birth, living among people who have traditions reaching back thousands of years?  No more so than living in inner city somewhere in a Western environment where sirens blaze and crime is virtually around every corner.  This is not to say that problems don’t arise in the Middle East, to think this is to where blinders.  But in the end, nothing substitutes for actually visiting and living in the region, some of the beauties of which are to learn from and experience various cultures and get to know the locals.  So if your adventurous spirit leads you to travelling in this direction, more to come on this blog!

Monday, January 30, 2012

Inside the Walls


Inside the Walls
Approaching the Islaheya’s front gate one gets the impression of its being merely another building in another of Cairo’s crowded residential areas.  Agouza is just that, crowded, residential, a few shops nearby, the streets none too clean amid the regular dust and dirt common to Cairo.  A gate, a guard, dark red brick on the buildings façade, the only sign distinguishing the Islaheya from other homes is the sign over the gate which reads Moasaffet el Agouza which roughly translates to mean a school or place for education in Agouza, one of Cairo’s more central, populous and very busy suburbs.  The term Islaheya is not used.  Islaheya connotes something very negative, rather than education, it refers to a ‘fix-it’ place, implying something is wrong with the residents inside.  Advertising flaws to the outside world creates just the sort of image authorities wish to hide. 
A tour of the facilities is essential when attempting to comprehend what Il Binait Dol undergo on a daily basis.  Keep in mind too that the Agouza facility or school has had the benefit of Hanna’s Social Committee for the past fifteen years, without which there is no saying what level of defenestration might greet the unsuspecting visitor.  Straightaway a visitor will see a wall painted brightly in a sort of modern art, graffiti style.  DEO students helped paint this to brighten up the entrance of a wall otherwise grim and grey.  To the right stand the remains of a garden patch also donated and put in by DEO students and volunteers.  Unfortunately left to itself, the garden with the exception of a few hardy plants, died through disrepair and neglect by the Islaheya staff.  Forbidden to go to the patch, the Islaheya girls were helpless to keep their tiny parcel of green alive.  Even if they had right of access, gardening or garden tools have never been part of their learning. 
Once past the outside entrance gate, the visitor comes to the main hallway which leads to all rooms, sleeping quarters, classroom, kitchen, toilet areas, and shower rooms.  What meets the eye immediately are dirt encrusted walls, floors, chipped plaster, peeling paint, and worst of all mold and damp everywhere.  It drips from the ceilings, creeps into the wall crevices, the cracks, some large enough for a small fist, are covered in mildew.  The keepers attempt to keep any visitor away from the kitchen but I managed to go past and even take a partial picture.  Inside the door sits in broken and dirty tiles, is an old bathtub which is used to soak beans for foul and tamaya.  When and how often this tub gets cleaned is not something to ask, suffice it that the tile stains have caked on dirt, a layer of dust and food crumbs cover the kitchen floor, and the few girls working in the kitchen do not wear kitchen gloves, have their hands in the food as they work at the only ‘job’ allowed, cooking for other Islaheyas for which they earn a few Egyptian pounds per month.  Not all girls receive this privilege, only the ones who have learned to play the game and curry favour of those in charge.
As the kitchen stands in the first floor, ascending the stairs to the second floor brings its own drama of odor, filth, and worst of all chains, gates locked against escape, and other indignities which the girls live through daily.  On my last visit to the Islaheya in May, the keepers almost refused our admittance, claiming that because it was Friday, the girls rested and had no time for visitors.  As we all knew this attempt to keep us out stemmed from lies, we insisted and finally they allowed us to visit with a select fifteen girls.  Their major concern is that visitors might meet with girls kept locked behind bars and gates.  Those girls, desperate to escape their moldy prison, beseech any visitors as they put hands through the bars, begging for any small attention. 
A description alone of the Islaheya facility only touches the surface of the lives which the girls must endure.  Take Sally’s[1] short life for example.  She’s twelve now, four years ago her mother put her out of the family car in the middle of Cairo’s streets.  There has never been any explanation for her mother’s behavior; she never made any attempt to find her daughter.  Sally thinks she lived on the street for about a year, long months alone, stealing bread and anything else which came her way.  By the time Sally made it to the Islaheya she had become involved in a street gang whose leaders forced her to sell on the streets.  They also got her addicted to drugs which made her more compliant.  At the Islaheya Sally initially tried to run, for her, after a year living in relative freedom, albeit under horrific conditions, imprisonment behind gates with guards and madams imposing their will was intolerable.  The physical withdrawal from the daily dose of drugs was sometimes violent, at all times riddling her young body with excruciating pain.  As a result, she slipped into extreme antisocial behavior, incurred the wrath of authorities, and ridicule of the other girls, who began to call her crazy, in spite of the fact that many of these girls too went through drug withdrawals. 
Locked in a small cell without help, without toilet facilities, and with minimal ventilation, Sally eventually, after many weeks, joined the general population.  The other girls still stigmatized her as mezhnuun [crazy], Sally remained isolated, had no friends, and no possibility of relief from the terror of Islaheya living.  One of the keepers finally took pity on the young girl, only nine years old, helping Sally to adopt acceptable attitudes to make her life more tolerable.  Gradually the young girl learned the ropes, made one or two friends, most of the girls still fear her a bit, after three years as inmates, possibly because Sally occasionally gives way to uncontrollable rages.  Whether this comes from fear, terror of her own life, remnant of drug abuse, or sheer panic, no one can tell as Sally has never seen a doctor or any other medical person since being in the Islaheya.  Medical care in the Islaheya is nominal at best.  What Sally did learn was how to earn privileges, one of which is the right to be educated.  Through that means my students learned her story, otherwise she along with eighty percent of the girls remains buried alive behind the gates and bars of the Islaheya, coming to light once or twice a year when Hanna convinces the authorities to allow the girls a Ramadan Iftar[2] at the Egyptian Rowing Club, a short open cruise on the Nile, or the excursion to Ra Sidr, inexplicably cancelled for this year by the authorities.[3]
Without Hanna or my students or even my own visits to the Islaheya life inside would remain a mystery.  If girls leave through legitimate means, marriage or family reclamation, they keep silent about the abuses and tragedies inside.  If girls escape, to whom can they report the maltreatment which they receive?  First, authorities refuse to investigate, they choose not to believe these street children, children whose own families either disown them or from whom they have run away. 
Behind the moldy walls many secrets exist which the keepers wish keeps hidden from the outside world.  Their domain, their rules, their wards.  The girls quickly learn how to curry favour with supervisors, which one can they work to get privileges, with whom can they sell sex for an illicit night on the streets, who will listen to stories about others in exchange for an illegal cigarette, a phone call, an extra ration of food. 
Il Binait Dol, those girls, quickly learn the system, how to behave in front of supervisors.  For them it’s survival, and the only way they know how is through telling tales of fellow inmates, some of the supervisors, with nothing much to do all day, appear to enjoy scandalous stories and quickly mete out punishment whether deserved or not.  They slap the girls for swearing; they kick the girls if they get into a physical fight, if a girl attempts to run away, she is chained to a bed in an isolated room for any amount of time, even up to a month in one case which we heard about through reliable sources.  Alongside this punishment they have daily religious lectures and praying times are encouraged but not enforced.  Seeing no incongruity between their religious instruction and treatment meted out, the girls grow up as nominal Muslims, Muslim by birth and sketchy training, but a sense of religion or even spirituality evades them.  It’s no wonder since the treatment they receive is certainly at variance with the readings they hear. 
This girl’s story did not come from one of the inmates, but from someone whose career there would end if her name were disclosed.[4]  After attempting an escape, one girl was returned to the Islaheya in Agouza where she received brutal treatment.  Chained to her bed in an isolated room for a month, the girl had only a bucket which she later had to empty and clean herself.  During the day, one dish of foul was placed in her room along with one cup of water.  She lived in unbearable stench, daily increasing the possibility of disease, and even death, but she was finally released into the general population of girls.  Her previous punishment did not prevent her from trying to escape again.  Once again, the authorities caught her and brought her back to Agouza.  The supervisors, not satisfied with merely chaining the girl to a bed, they beat her with those same chains first and then incarcerated her for yet another month at the end of which time they shipped her off to one of the Islaheyas in the Sinai, far from Cairo or anyone she might know in the city, to an Islaheya with a reputation as a virtual prison.  None of the girls have heard from or about her since her removal.
When there is a general punishment, the girls cannot remove beyond the locked and gated bars on the second floor where their dormitories are located.  Sometimes, if the girls attempt a general disturbance, the supervisors will cane the girls, especially those they believe leaders, then they declare a general lock-up, usually for a day or two, sometimes a week.  During that time, none of the girls are allowed out; schooling, any fresh air for the few permitted to be in the courtyard, and certainly no outside visitors, other than authorities, may enter the Islaheya. 
Hamda told us her story, a short and very painful one.  Now fifteen, she first came to the Islaheya at eight.  This time, her mother brought her, left her with the madams because she had too many children at home, a husband who divorced her, leaving her no choice but to bring her eldest daughter to the Islaheya.  Hamda’s mother has never come to see her nor did she express any desire to reclaim her daughter.  Though she had no direct contact with the police, Hamda does have a record; her name must be written down on the official books in order for the Director to allow her to stay.  Hamda recalls, although years after the fact, that the madam, at the time Madam Ibtisam, locked her in a small room, again the excuse she gives to ensure that Hamda would be staying in Agouza.  Given three meals and let out for bathroom privileges, the frightened eight year old had no clue what was happening, only that she wanted to go home, to her mother, brothers and sisters.  She thinks two brothers and two sisters, but cannot be certain.  Her all night crying provoked the supervisors to anger and the next few days began her torment, beating first with sticks, then a cable, food only once a day, finally Hamda learned the trick, no crying, no beating, and more food.  Eventually word came she was to stay in Agouza so Hamda became part of the general population of girls.  The dormitories consist of between twenty and twenty-five beds, when Hamda came, not all girls had their own mattress and were forced to share, which situation fell to Hamda’s lot.  Then the lesbian activity for Hamda began.  Clinging to her bed partner for warmth and comfort, the young girls have no notion of their own bodies, bodily functions, or sexuality; they explore each other’s bodies, and begin to feel a certain comfort, perhaps even pleasure in their mutual exploration.  Receiving instruction in the Qu’ran on a daily basis, all the girls instinctively know that physical contact like this is punishable if caught, so they attempt to keep this part of their lives secret.  Many girls, all ages, will sneak into other’s beds not for comfort, but either to force sexual relations on girls, usually older to younger, or to engage in lesbian sex. 
The girls receive no education on sexuality, they merely learn it is haram, in many ways making it more enticing for the girls to practice, in spite of the sever punishments they receive when caught.  If not able to be with a partner, the girls begin masturbation at young ages, also severely punished if caught.  The Islamic belief that masturbation and same sex relationships are seen as abnormal and certainly haram is evident in that they learn early not to get caught, sneak at night or anytime when the supervisors are otherwise engaged.  Most of the girls, not allowed to attend school, locked in the upper rooms, have so little to occupy them that becoming part of a gang, practicing illicit acts, and exerting power over girls selected as more model residents, becomes the norm.  So as in most institutions a gang rises to the top, a gang of girls who often terrorize others, less capable of fending off those who violate their youth. 
In another part of Cairo, not too far from Cairo University, sits another Islaheya.  This one provides homes for street boys, boys in circumstances similar to the girls.  They have been abandoned, run away from home, orphaned left to fend for themselves; eventually captured and brought to the Islaheya by the police.  There the similarity ends.  Home to over 300 boys at any given time, the boys receive entirely different treatment, a helpful reception awaits them on their entry into the Islaheya, and they receive instructions from supervisors, immediately given their own well-cared for bed, properly cleaned linens and coverings.  From the start, the space is private and personal; no one has the right to interfere.  Each bed is margined off with a small shelf, place for personal items and books.  The Islaheya entrance hosts a large working fountain and is surrounded by green gardens, grounds well-kept, manicured, flowers, shrubs, a tiny oasis inside Cairo’s smog and pollution.  No rubbish can be detected in the car park, inside the entry, proper offices house the director, his staff, secretaries, and other workers who keep this Islaheya running. 
Once inside, the Islaheya has a section with proper classrooms for primary school children.  I visited the classes, the boys, all in school uniforms, attended classes provided with desks, books, writing materials, and government trained teachers.  They would all be able to take the government exams, the Adadaya after passing grade six and then those interested could choose to go outside to higher education, or if not interested in academic training they would be sent to various apprenticeships. 
Ashraf, now ten, was only five when we first met him.  My male students, who did their practical experience at this Islaheya, enjoyed his company.  One of the youngest children there, he wasn’t sure how he got there, but has no contact with any family outside the Islaheya walls.  Although young, his very intelligence made him rather a favorite among all the Islaheya boys, he was full of fun, was well looked after, and had found a secure home after wandering Cairo’s streets.  He was brought by the police to the Islaheya as an orphan, a street child, so he does have a record and like many of the other boys, no identity other than his first name.  But in the Islaheya he found acceptance from the older boys, became a kind of mascot to the older boys.  They cared for him, made sure he escaped punishment for some of his boyish pranks; generally saw that no harm came to him.  For the most part, the boys protect one another; feel secure in the knowledge that even though they are in custody until the age of eighteen, they have an educational programme which provides them a way out.  Literacy, training, and apprenticeships form their daily lives.
As part of our visits to this Islaheya, the Director spoke with all of us whenever we needed information.  This openness differed from the secrecy we found at the Agouza Islaheya.  The Directors there had no secretarial staff; no offices with phones and assistants, or apparent interest in seeing the girls receive the best the government can provide.  Mr Ashraf, the director at the time for the boys’ Islaheya, made sure that not only were the boys educated, but that they had clean facilities, three good meals a day plus snacks, a library in which they can sit and work.  A sense of well-being, order, and purpose permeates the boys and the atmosphere of their Islaheya.
In addition to their education and other homelike care, the boys have large well-kept grounds, inclusive of playing fields, basketball court, and an area for football.  The boys are not confined to their rooms, not chained to their beds, nor are they locked in small holding rooms.  This is not to say they do not receive punishment, for the rules there are strictly enforced.  Rough language, contraband of any kind, attempting to escape, lying, and other forms of illicit behavior are most certainly punished.  But the boys feel much more content, knowing they will become viable and valuable members of the greater community. 
Marriage virtually provides the only way out for the girls, but for them to find a marriage partner when they cannot leave the Islaheya, when they are marked with a police record, and worst than all, most have no family or family identity.  Who will marry the girls?  Marriage is also an important aspect of life for the boys.  They all want to have families, especially children which are an intrinsic part of Egyptian life, but they wish to marry girls who have families with respectable prospects.  Costs for marriage mount high and poor boys from the Islaheya must work hard to even come close to raising enough money to provide a simple flat plus wedding gift for their prospective brides.  When my students asked the boys at the Islaheya if they would ever consider marrying an Islaheya girl, the response without exception was no.  To these boys marriage to a girl from the Islaheya would do nothing but keep them in the lowest element of society, these prison girls, these Islaheya girls are not virgins, one the most significant facets for acceptable marriage in the Muslim world; they had no real identity, even if they have family, family shunned them, they have no money, no ability to gain possessions, and virtually no education, with a few exceptions.
Another comparison between two similarly aged Islaheya residents, one boy Ahmed, one girl Hosna demonstrates how the underlying conditions within the Islaheya make a difference in attitudes of the children.  Ahmed, aged fifteen, came to the Islaheya four years earlier because of what he called ‘private problems’.  My male students dug a bit deeper and the extent of the private problems was rape by uncles and cousins and beatings by step-father.  Unable to sustain life in this environment, Ahmed ran away soon to be caught by the police.  After bringing him to the Islaheya, he had a few difficulties, in particular with the director Mr Ashraf.  Although Mr Ashraf ran a very clean and tidy Islaheya, if the boys became a bit rebellious or even demonstrated the least tendency to disobey, he himself would be the boys.  He did not leave this gruesome task to others in order to instill a fear and perhaps respect for his authority, Mr Ashraf took this charge.  Initially Ahmed suffered many beatings, but then began to realize the benefits to living in the Islaheya.  He had a clean area all to himself for sleeping, school and school uniforms, good food, a healthy outdoors environment with a weekly sports teacher provided by Mr Ashraf’s management of their budget.  As he settled in to a routine, he developed one or two close friends, not many, as he still had and has issues of trust, and his ambition now is to attend and finish high school with the object of getting a good job and eventually marry a girl from the outside.  He is well-fed, given clean clothes daily, has a clean and relatively safe environment in which to live.  The safety of his environment must be qualified as there are some boys in the Islaheya, just like the girls, who refuse to submit to order and discipline, break the rules and threaten some of the boys who comply with Islaheya rules.
In contrast Hosna, aged seventeen, came to the Islaheya five years ago after her mother threw her out of the home.  She is frightened all the time, especially small for her age, has only one friend, many enemies within the Islaheya, has been raped by other girls at night who sneak into her bed and force themselves on her, she has been beaten both at home and in the Islaheya.  The extent of her ambition – none and her sole source of entertainment is a gambling stick throwing game called Tobba.  It might be added that Ahmed’s chief source of entertainment is the Internet.  At the boys institution, internet and computers are made available for all the children, whereas, the girls have no internet and only one communal television supplied by Hanna, with limited viewing privileges for selected girls.
The severest treatment for the girls comes from women, women in authority; and in the case of the Ministry of Social Affairs for the Agouza Islaheya a woman in also in charge.  The harshest decrees for the girls’ management come directly from women in authority.  Islaheya supervisors, all women, waste no time or sympathy on the girls.  A marked contrast too with Madam Nadia in Dubai, where all the children whether handicapped or street children, refer to her as ‘mom’.  If any gets into trouble while in school, they say they must call their mother, meaning Madam Nadia. 
In Agouza, Madame Merwette, the current director, vetoes any outings, privileges, sometimes cancels the real school for the fifteen eligible girls for her own reasons.  She refuses visitors entrance, visitors from the DEO who come once a week to engage the children in games or play in their meager courtyard.  In this she is seconded by the other directors, Madam Zeinab and Madam Naglaa who comes in the afternoons.  Madam Naglaa wishes to restrict the girls even further by insisting that Hanna supply galabeyas rather than the regular clothes worn by the girls and donated by DEO students and other friends of the Social Committee.  Egypt does not have a dress code for its women; they freely choose the style of clothing they wish to wear.  If wearing the tradition galabeya is their choice, if covering their hair with the ejab is what they wish, then this is personal, not enforced.  Hanna decidedly refused to fall in with Madam Naglaa’s request, not on religious grounds, but because it must be the girls’ choice, the Islaheya has no rules to the contrary, and she believed the girls restricted enough, choosing clothes, however slim the choices or how used the clothing, gives the girls one tiny sense of humanity, garners them one speck of self-respect as an individual.  No such demand was put on the boys either by Mr Ashraf in the past or by Mr Yasser, its current director.  In fact Mr Yasser turned down Hanna’s offer of virtually brand new dress suits when a family friend died and his widow offered them to the Social Committee.  Mr Yasser’s reply was that his boys did not wear used clothing, they had no need, and the matter closed, Hanna gave the clothes to residents of Abu Zabel who definitely have need.
Inside its moldy walls and cracking ceilings, the girls waste the minutes, hours, days, months, and years wishing their lives away.  With little or nothing to do, fights develop, enemies are made, friendships breakup, humiliation from the keepers and directors, often beatings occur.  Much of this behavior develops because the girls sit and pace in fear.  Not always fear of someone, but of the unknown.  What will happen to them, where will they be in the ten, fifteen years allotted to them in the Islaheya?  Or will they end up like Zeina.  At fifty-six she is the oldest and longest resident – she came at four and has known nothing else since.  Simple, uneducated, her speech is slurred, but she has a smile for everyone who comes to visit.  One can find her sitting on the cement curbing just inside the Islaheya gates, just sitting, nothing else, barely moving.  Her clothes never change, and her hair is only washed occasionally when she allows someone from the Social Committee visitors to do this for her.  The girls all know her; perhaps she is their greatest fear although they do not know how to voice this idea.  They see her sitting, she does no crafts, her simplicity grows with the passing of each year, is this them in fifteen or twenty years. 
My students asked these girls what are their hopes and dreams.  Virtually all say marriage, as they know it is the only way out for them.  They want a home and of course with this come the obligation of children which the girls see as security.  With a child in tow, a man might not divorce her or leave her destitute.  Not thinking back to their own beginnings, usually the result of a man leaving their mother, leaving a mother destitute with several mouths to feed, or a man who has taken a new wife who refuses to take another woman’s daughter in to her home.  From where do they hope to get their bridegrooms?  Some girls continue to sneak out at night meeting up with old street gang comrades, they believe this will answer.  But in truth these boys only use them for sex but when the girls get back to the Islaheya they believe it’s love.  Only the few fortunate like Mona have a fighting chance.  Other girls have left the Islaheya through marriage; sometimes a family member on the outside feels sympathy and arranges a marriage.  Jumping at any opportunity to leave, a girl accepts.  What happens to her afterwards is difficult to tell, the girls do not return to the Islaheya even for a visit, this part of their life they must put behind, never to come back, never to visit.  If a girl has no family, no name, what can she do?  Even if the authorities identify her birth records, it’s unlikely that family will merely emerge to bring along a prospective husband.  Additionally, not many men want girls from the Islaheya.  It is the rare man who is willing to risk his future with a wife from the lowest part of society and even if he does wish to marry her, the girl must pass his family’s approval, in particular that of his mother, as she will be the one most closely associated with his new wife.  Egyptian mothers-in-law have notorious reputations for interference, for badgering the new wife, and for making her life a living hell.  It takes an unusual girl to trade one form of punishment and captivity for another. 
Captivity comes well in to the equation because in the Egyptian households, even though the civil law gives women freedom, civil law is miles distant from actual practice.  What other alternatives offer Il Binait Dol?  When they reach twenty-one, they can leave the Islaheya but where will they go, what can they do?  If they have received the minimal education, passing their Adadaya exams, this still leaves them floundering.  Training for work beyond making a few pots and weaving a few simple bags is virtually non-existent in the Islaheya.  They have no notion of housework, so they cannot hire themselves out as cleaners, most of the girls cannot cook, only a few gained the right to work in the kitchen and then the majority of the food was foul and sometimes tamaya[5]  If they cooked for wealthy people, their skills must surpass simple Egyptian fare they’ve eaten and prepared in the Islaheya.  For this, they have no training.  Additionally, most families refuse employment to girls from their backgrounds, police records stay stuck to them throughout their lives.  In spite of the education which a few select girls receive from the attentive instruction and care from Hanna’s teachers Madams Hala, Wafaa, Heba, and Ingy, employment will be difficult, police records notwithstanding.  Employment in Egypt is now and has been for quite a while is at a low ebb, when University graduates who become teachers only earn £300 Egyptian to start, what can minimally educated girls with police records and Islaheya attached to their names, hope to achieve?  If they had the opportunity to serve apprenticeships as housemaids, cooks, or shop assistants then perhaps they might work on the outside, but as it stands, their potential for earning independent wages and starting out is virtually non-existent.
Il Binait Dol often lash out in frustration, especially the older girls, they know their time is ending at the Islaheya, where in spite of the conditions, they have a place to sleep which is not on the streets and have three meals a day, regardless of how meager and uninteresting.  Walls crack around them, ceilings leak dirty water, pipes break, the toilet is filthy, and showers are rare, but they do not have to wander the streets, they do not have to put their hands out for a crust of bread or a piaster, they do not have to steal, but they do have to worry about tomorrow, because for them it does come and often comes too soon.  In spite of attempts to run away, when they can take their freedom and walk out the front gate, past the guards many of whom have used them for sex, what is their direction, where can they go?  One sure option is back on the streets but if and when caught, they will not see the inside of an ill-kept Islaheya again; they will see the devastating walls and gates of an Egyptian prison for women.


[1] Sally is not a common name in the Arab world, but many Egyptian women are given this name.
[2] During the fasting month of Ramadan, no food, water, cigarettes, or other pleasures are allowed.  Iftar actually means breakfast; this is the first meal after sundown, partaken of by all fasting Muslims and is generally the signal for an entire night of eating and drinking [non-alcohol] until sunrise when the fasting cycle begins again.  The original idea behind Ramadan was to develop compassion for the poor who had little food or drink at any time.
[3] As discussed in the previous chapter, Hanna’s Social Committee raises the money and arranges all these outside activities.
[4] This was not the girl’s first attempt at running away; each time the punishment gets more stringent.
[5] Foul and tamaya are made from beans soaked for hours and then the foul is eaten as beans with olive oil and sometimes Egyptian white goat or sheep cheese.  Tamaya is also made from the same beans but crushed into a paste, rolled and then deep-fried.  Along with Mashi, cucumbers and corgettes stuffed with rice and sometimes ground meet, these foods comprise a substantial part of the traditional Egyptian diet.