Egypt again...

Once more Egyptians gathered in Tahrir Square, this time not merely a few stragglers bent on continuing protests, but a huge contingent of warring factions. Supporters of Mohammed Morsi and those violently opposed to the first 100 days of a relatively lacklustre regime. This past Friday, October 12, 2012, frustrated and bewildered, thousands of Egyptians gathered again in Tahrir Square, angered at Morsi’s decision to acquiesce in the high court’s decision to release from prison the thugs who galloped through Tahrir Square last February 2011 riding camels, and horses, shooting into crowds of peaceful demonstrators. These thugs killed an unexposed number of young men and women protesting Hosni Mubarak’s reign, but this high court decision unleashed another spate of Egyptian fury. The high court now maintains that after reviewing filming of the situation, they did not witness any one of these men killing protestors. Words and decision to create absolute unrest in Egypt, more than 300 men and women were killed, how then did they die?
           A myriad of questions arises from this latest incident. First, why is the high court making this decision?  Then, who really is behind the high court’s decision, a very loaded political question. Additionally, what will be the outcome of this decision?  And of course, once again, is Egypt safe for tourism to or relocating in – especially just when Minister for Antiquities Mohammed Ibrahim, reopened the pyramid of Cheops in Giza, and announced that Egypt welcomed all visitors. The complexities behind Egyptian society strip any possibility of simple answers to these questions, but it’s good to keep in mind several points. As demonstrations go, in Cairo, they are kept in Tahrir Square. The Square is becoming the visible representation to Egyptians and the world at large of the country’s infant struggle toward democracy. Egyptians developed a taste for this fundamental democratic right of protest a year and a half ago when their united efforts brought down a regime under which the nation felt suffocated. If this could happen in a few short days, then when other issues developed to which the public objected, what better method for change than a united protest.
           However, this most recent protest took on a disturbing face. Rather than peaceful, it became violent almost immediately. Two factions clashed, supporters of Morsi and those opposed to the president and his Muslim Brotherhood Party. These latter claimed that the February 2011 thugs were released because they had the support of the Mubarak regime, and although deposed, broad suggestions abound that Mubarak’s family and friends continue to manipulate governmental decisions, in particular decisions made by those remaining in power via Mubarak-appointed positions, in this case, the high court judges who released the thugs. Other instances reflect on the situation that many of Mubarak’s appointees remain in their offices, thus easily able to manipulate governmental decisions. The old regime’s hidden funds circulate, according to many, those deserving punishment receive none, others demonstrating against the regime, strangely prosecuted. Thoughtful Egyptians worry about the lack of substance in Morsi; he appears to be a puppet of his party, and seems afraid to make substantive decisions. Add to that the level of poverty and hardship among Egypt’s millions has worsened over the past months. These reasons were enough for those dissatisfied with Morsi to call for another major demonstration.
           These dissatisfied Egyptians clashed violently with supporters of Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood Party on Friday. However, the clash has deeper roots than a disagreement over the high court’s decision, because many in the opposing faction believed this decision to be wrong. The roots of disputes are based in those who support Morsi and his party and those who do not. Those who believe that Morsi’s gradual imposition of Shari’a law changing Egypt from primarily a secular state to one ruled by Islamic law is the correct direction in which the country must head, while those supporting a secular democracy with secular laws and freedom from influence in any fashion of the old regime, must be the implemented changes. The conflict on Friday became violent; the media, of course, made the most of this violence.

   So the last question, in spite of efforts to reopen Egypt’s doors to tourists and others, is Egypt safe?  Throughout the past year and a half, the demonstrations remain isolated to the Square; outside the Square, life goes on with the exception that life for the typical Egyptian is more difficult, less prosperous, therefore, a degree of resentment occasionally exhibits itself. For the most part, the demonstrations dwindled in size and exuberance, but this last rivalry once again saw tents established and a determination to sit in until more obvious and actualizing changes take place in the country. Yet, in spite of these problems, visiting Egypt remains an incredible experience, it is a land of rich history, heritage, culture, an incredible past on the verge of a new future, an experience not to miss.

Syria’s Unwarranted Attack on Turkey – What does one do?

With the Middle East in turmoil, elections, although over in many of the Arab Spring countries, still have a long way to go toward uncompromising settlement.  Syria, the revolutionary “bad boy,” ripped open a new floodgate of aggression last week on Turkey’s border town of Akcakale which suffered an attack by Syria’s Nationalist Army. Five people, including a child, died.
              Will Turkey retaliate?  Should Turkey retaliate?  Some of the headlines already blaze with “World War Three” if Turkey advances into Syria in defense of its borders.  The Istanbul atmosphere vibrates with demonstrations against that very event. The United Nations warns Syria against further aggression toward its northern neighbour. At the moment, Turkish response is firm about protecting its borders against attack, yet maintains a view toward avoiding all-out war. Turkey established itself as a stable, secular government with a tolerant attitude toward the diverse peoples inhabiting the country. Lately, its governmental policies combine with Islamic principles of rule, but currently, in spite of the many factions vying for primacy, Turkey maintains its stability. Syria’s incursion over Turkey’s borders puts a new twist on global worry about the Syrian situation, in addition to many who might be concerned over prospects of visiting Turkey.
                During the past few days demonstrations in Istanbul speak out loudly against any outbreak of war. The Turkish people are adamantly opposed to invading Syria even though their prime minister absolutely stated the country will not tolerate Syria’s moves over Turkish borders, an argument concurrent with that of the United Nations, world leaders, and a general outcry against Syrian aggression.  In light of these very recent events, should one plan a visit to Turkey?  Can the Turkish government be trusted to maintain a firm stance without declaring war so that visitors and foreigners may continue to visit or live in the country? 
                Without hesitation, touring the country, albeit out of harm’s way near the Turkish-Syrian borders, the country offers so much to the visitor.  From Istanbul in the northwest with the Hagia Sophia and Blue Mosque overlooking the city’s historic centre, through the beautiful Cappadocian mountains in the eastern region, continuing to points south and west on the Mediterranean coast, Turkey beckons to the visitor, and if one is fortunate enough to live and/or work in the country, many opportunities await.  If in any doubt about where to go, what to see, or how to move to and about the country, seek professional advice helping to ease personal arrangements.  Relax, enjoy, and reap the rewards of adventure in a beautiful land!

Where to go in the Middle East now?

Will you be safe or sorry for visiting the once-mysterious wonders of the Middle East? There is so much going on in the area, politically as well as otherwise, that myriad questions arise.
            Here is what a reliable ex-pat resident of Cairo has to say about the current situation: “Wow…the media must be really exaggerating things! As usual, the current demonstrations involve only a three-block radius. Just one night had large numbers, but only about 30-40 (Zamalek Ultras, it seems) scaled the wall. Generally, it’s dozens, or at most hundreds, gathered in the Square. People feel humiliated by the attack on the Prophet -- of course, they don't understand that the U.S. government had nothing to do with the film; Hillary Clinton and the Embassy have issued strong condemnations of the film. The Egyptian government and key Islamist parties have denounced the attack on the embassy; the Nour Party is very clear in its opposition to that, as is Tareq al-Zomor (Islamic Group), saying it is against Shari’a to violate the embassy and tear down the flag. Meanwhile, elsewhere life goes on as normal. People are out late at night visiting street-side cafes, schools are about to start (public school teachers are threatening to strike), etc.” These comments demonstrate a variety of contradictions regarding the Middle East.
            Politically, Egypt’s government is attempting to develop some form of democracy, some form of meaning that even the humblest Egyptian can understand. But with so many factions vying for power and position in the country, confusion often reigns. In its desire to bring news to the world, the media can be guilty of sensationalizing events in Tahrir Square, but the demonstrations in the Square remain contained to that very small centre of Cairo. The rest of the city, as a microcosm of the country, struggles daily to survive. Find enough work to feed the family, to survive, and maintain some small semblance of life in the midst of chaos.
            In the minds of Egyptians, from those in power down to the least of its citizens, the concept of democracy remains in its infancy. Leadership divisions include revolutionaries, who could not sustain power although their democratic idealism brought about the first stages of the 25 January 2011 revolution; Islamists to the far right including, but not limited to the Salafi, an extreme group determined to bring Egypt under complete Shari’a law with all its decrees, limitations, and demands; the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood, a combative group within itself, but one attempting to juggle Islamic extremists with democratic idealism, a problem of massive proportions especially in a country suffering more than 50% illiteracy.
            Egypt’s political and religious bases don’t often function in harmony. While some in the political arena attempt to incorporate secularism into its policies, the religious factions refuse, sometimes with belligerence, to adopt anything other than strict Shari’a law into their country’s laws and procedures. What sets Shari’a law apart from the understood forms of democratic law codes, whether American, English, Napoleonic, or other adaptive forms of practiced law?  Shari’a law is based solely on the Qur’an and is implemented according to the interpretations of Imams, Islamic spiritual leaders. In some countries, interpretations of Shari’a law reach a severity far above that of other countries, for example, the implementation of Shari’a in countries such as Saudi Arabia or Afghanistan, even Pakistan, have in the past made Egypt appear very western and sometimes lax in its legal system. Egypt’s varied and rich history even over the past sixty years created a dichotomy of leadership and confused laws that, during the course of independence from colonial rule, set Egypt’s rulers a difficult path.
            To understand this very complicated situation, a brief examination of Egypt’s recent historical changes may prove enlightening. In 1952, the Egyptians, led by a group of semi-Marxist radicals following Abdul Gamal Nasser, overthrew the last of the Ottoman kings of Egypt, King Faisal. They quickly established a regime which removed property from wealthy plantation owners usually known as Pashas, and began dividing up land into smaller farming parcels. They also introduced systems based on the communistic principles of government provisions for everyone, from education to health. Unfortunately, the extremes to which they went divested the Egyptian people of initiative or even the desire to be individually productive. A further unhappy result of this situation came from the application of Shari’a law. Property is actually divided among heirs, thus reducing the size of any viable farmland, ending in an increase in poverty as these farmers become mere subsistence livers rather than having a way to earn a substantial living. With poverty on the increase, illiteracy virtually unchanged, political problems rising, the question remains, is it safe to work in, travel to, or study in Egypt, and if so, where, for how long, when are the most favorable times to be in Egypt?
            Cairo and Alexandria are the major and most important centers for study and work in Cairo, with most people settling in Cairo with its many foreign universities, schools, and businesses. Being in Egypt now may present a few more difficulties, the events of the past month a tragedy by any measurement. Most Egyptians do not agree with the violence created by the infamous You Tube video. Other problems involve money; traders work harder to earn the fewer tourist dollars. However, as in the past, most Egyptians are kind, welcoming, and happy to meet anyone interested in their country, but precautions must be taken, more so now than in the past. In places, some crime such as theft, virtually unheard of in earlier times, is on the increase, so visitor beware, but with care. Egypt’s mysteries, its lovely temples, the beautiful Nile, the Valley of the Kings, and so many other magical places still await. There is so much to do and see, bringing the incredible Egyptian past to visibility. If the opportunity offers, plan carefully, make prior contacts, seek advice from those who know Egypt well, but by all means, visit, work, or study in the land once belonging to Pharoahs.