In Egypt, a virtually untold number of disorganized, motley
children--estimates as high as 50,000 to 100,000 living in Cairo alone--had
neither any input in the recent election nor can they count on relief from the
newly elected officials. The most telling tragedy regards the homeless girls.
Both boys and girls wander Egypt’s streets, begging, stealing, living very “rough,”
but the girls’ plight far supersedes that of the boys. These homeless girls
have no relief for the abject poverty in which they live, conditions which have
grown steadily worse for over fifty years. Rejected by families, spurned by
governmental officials, ignored by the general population, and treated
virtually like India’s Untouchables, the street girls, at present, have limited
options. They can remain on the streets, resorting to prostitution, begging,
drugs, and thieving, or they can allow themselves to be arrested by the police,
marked for life as non-people with no papers, no citizenship, no rights, and
dumped into the places aptly named Islaheya,
literally meaning “to fix.” Living in an Islaheya
is barely one step removed from street squalor. Madams placed in control care
only for the government job, not for the girls; the sleeping quarters, kitchen,
and grounds have the look of bombed-out Iraq, and their educational
opportunities are relatively nonexistent.
If they have any knowledge about the last election in Egypt, they did not ask similar questions as most of the world regarding results. If they knew anything, could question anyone, this pertained to their hopeless lives. Would the election of Mohamed Morsy bring them the help they need, bring them relief from the hopelessness and helplessness of their lives? In the midst of commotion, trouble, and resolution of Egypt’s first free election how much, if any, consideration was dedicated to these homeless girls?
The answer is simple. None. How much time and energy did the campaigners and now the new president spend thinking or doing anything for these girls? Again, none. He just recently deposed the military leader Tantawi, took presidential powers away from the military, and is making sure of security for himself and his party, the Muslim Brotherhood. It’s this political party that really determines how the Islaheya girls will fare. And what, then, is the Islamist reaction to girls and women, in particular those in less than honourable situations? Women must remain subservient to men, and if by chance their lives decline to beggar status, then they are the problem; solutions don’t reach that low.
Political turmoil within Egypt defines the country’s situation since January 2011. The initial stages of revolution evoked a sense of unity and sometimes benevolence during the most tense days before former president Mubarak stepped down. Military officials sat on their tanks waving anyone in who chose to enter Tahrir Square. Food was shared by all; men and some women sat in tents discussing the unbelievable situation in which Egypt had suddenly plummeted. Hope spiraled upwards rapidly, in spite of the tragedy of those who died during the first days of revolution. World-watchers held collective breaths waiting to see the results of Egypt’s entry into the Arab Spring.
When Mubarak surprised the world a mere eighteen days after the conflict began and stepped down, the hearts of so many Egyptians soared with hope. But did he truly step down? Many argue that he merely replaced himself with his followers, men who achieved their power through their relationship with Mubarak. A year after the revolution, the world still awaited the military promise to hand over power to newly elected secular authorities, and allow Egypt to come to grips with democratic ideals.
Another year passed and finally Egypt found herself being watched by the entire world as its military finally gave in to global pressure and the countless political parties and candidates put themselves forward in an unprecedented free election.
Mohamed Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood won against Mubarak’s old guard and even against the revolutionary candidates. Since his election, many issues have been discussed, but not once has this concerned the girls, the Islaheyas, or the street children in general. Poverty in Egypt escalates every day, tourism has declined and continues to do so, employment hovers at the lowest ebb for decades, and Egypt’s stability and political policies begin to be questioned. It cannot even be certain that Mohammed Morsy has heard of the Islaheyas or for that matter if he has, does he believe, like so many, that the girls are undesirable, virtually untouchable, and need to be kept out of the public domain. With their lack of education, the blight on their characters for being Islaheya girls, their lack of family, name, and home, authorities desire nothing more than to keep them hidden away from public life, public view, and public acceptance. If Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood truly embraced the ideals of humanity which some claim, then they must make a push toward changing public and private opinion about these lost street girls, but to date, these girls remain Egypt’s hidden shame.
If they have any knowledge about the last election in Egypt, they did not ask similar questions as most of the world regarding results. If they knew anything, could question anyone, this pertained to their hopeless lives. Would the election of Mohamed Morsy bring them the help they need, bring them relief from the hopelessness and helplessness of their lives? In the midst of commotion, trouble, and resolution of Egypt’s first free election how much, if any, consideration was dedicated to these homeless girls?
The answer is simple. None. How much time and energy did the campaigners and now the new president spend thinking or doing anything for these girls? Again, none. He just recently deposed the military leader Tantawi, took presidential powers away from the military, and is making sure of security for himself and his party, the Muslim Brotherhood. It’s this political party that really determines how the Islaheya girls will fare. And what, then, is the Islamist reaction to girls and women, in particular those in less than honourable situations? Women must remain subservient to men, and if by chance their lives decline to beggar status, then they are the problem; solutions don’t reach that low.
Political turmoil within Egypt defines the country’s situation since January 2011. The initial stages of revolution evoked a sense of unity and sometimes benevolence during the most tense days before former president Mubarak stepped down. Military officials sat on their tanks waving anyone in who chose to enter Tahrir Square. Food was shared by all; men and some women sat in tents discussing the unbelievable situation in which Egypt had suddenly plummeted. Hope spiraled upwards rapidly, in spite of the tragedy of those who died during the first days of revolution. World-watchers held collective breaths waiting to see the results of Egypt’s entry into the Arab Spring.
When Mubarak surprised the world a mere eighteen days after the conflict began and stepped down, the hearts of so many Egyptians soared with hope. But did he truly step down? Many argue that he merely replaced himself with his followers, men who achieved their power through their relationship with Mubarak. A year after the revolution, the world still awaited the military promise to hand over power to newly elected secular authorities, and allow Egypt to come to grips with democratic ideals.
Another year passed and finally Egypt found herself being watched by the entire world as its military finally gave in to global pressure and the countless political parties and candidates put themselves forward in an unprecedented free election.
Mohamed Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood won against Mubarak’s old guard and even against the revolutionary candidates. Since his election, many issues have been discussed, but not once has this concerned the girls, the Islaheyas, or the street children in general. Poverty in Egypt escalates every day, tourism has declined and continues to do so, employment hovers at the lowest ebb for decades, and Egypt’s stability and political policies begin to be questioned. It cannot even be certain that Mohammed Morsy has heard of the Islaheyas or for that matter if he has, does he believe, like so many, that the girls are undesirable, virtually untouchable, and need to be kept out of the public domain. With their lack of education, the blight on their characters for being Islaheya girls, their lack of family, name, and home, authorities desire nothing more than to keep them hidden away from public life, public view, and public acceptance. If Morsy and the Muslim Brotherhood truly embraced the ideals of humanity which some claim, then they must make a push toward changing public and private opinion about these lost street girls, but to date, these girls remain Egypt’s hidden shame.
